As you may know, I am in the middle of a contest for the deputy leadership of the Labour Party, and central to my pitch to the Labour Party members and trade unionists who will choose the next deputy leader, is the idea of devolution of power and control to local communities and citizens.

You may recall a pamphlet I wrote for the Fabian Society some years ago called Communities in Control, which sparked some interesting discussions about localism and asset transfer. I am pleased that this month the Government has published Barry Quirk’s review on the barriers to asset transfer, because this is one way that we can revive our local politics and create more active citizens. But we must do more.

Let me start out by placing this debate into its political context.

Within British politics is a strand of thought which derives from community action, local protest, and working class movements rooted in self-help, DIY politics and bottom-up reform. Keir Hardie said:

‘socialism is not help from the outside in the form of state help – it is the people helping themselves acting through their own organisations, regulating their own affairs.’

Our own organisations regulating our own affairs. A powerful idea.

We need to draw on the rich tradition of co-ops and mutuals, friendly societies, craft and trade unions, women’s organisations, Guild Socialism, and local action groups.

This localist strand is today more important than ever, especially when it comes to tackling anti-social behaviour, creating social enterprises, and local environmental action.

At the heart of progressive thought is the idea of democracy, the power being spread amongst individual citizens.

But democracy must come to mean more than casting a vote every few years for politicians who act on your behalf.

Everyone should have a real sense of power and control over aspects of their lives as diverse as their NHS, when the bins are emptied, how the local police operate and whether a superstore gets built.

Democracy should be a daily activity, not an abstract theory.

Building on success

Labour has done more than any other government to reform and renew our democratic system. We have established a new settlement between England, Scotland and Wales with the Welsh Assembly, Scottish Parliament and Greater London Assembly now an accepted part of the UK constitution.

Recently, agreement has been reached on devolution to Northern Ireland. We have ended the hereditary principle in the House of Lords, and will move towards a more democratic revising second chamber.

This package of reform comprises a remarkable and lasting legacy.

But constitutional reform is an ongoing process, without end, because our nation and society is constantly evolving.

New challenges

The challenge now is to make democracy a street-level activity, and to extend the principles of democracy to other powerful institutions which affect our neighbourhoods and our lives.

People often feel powerless in the face of environmental challenges, planning applications, NHS reconfigurations, or the future of their local high street.

We must tackle the issues of voter turn-off and non-voting, especially amongst young people.

Voters in working-class areas are increasingly becoming less likely to vote than people in middle-class areas, reversing by stealth the advances of the Chartists and the extension of the franchise.

We must not oversee a decline in voter turnout to US levels. Nor can we allow democratic politics to become the preserve of the organised, articulate middle class. We need to renew our politics and our democracy if we are to be a successful society and nation.

Next steps

My starting point is to dust down the cover of Bernard Crick’s famous book ‘In Defence of Politics’ and state clearly – we need a new defence of politics.

And not just a defence, but a celebration of politics.

Without political parties, there can be no functioning democracy.

Yet mainstream party politics have been undermined by a cynical media and the rise of fringe parties and single issue campaigns, by a breakdown of trust, and by a sense that politicians are all on the make, not serving their communities.

You saw it most starkly in the referenda on regional government, when the ‘no’ campaigners’ most winning line was ‘we don’t need any more politicians…’

The idea of going into political life through a sense of duty, or a passion to make life better for others, is viewed with scepticism at best.

People in local politics are increasingly viewed as a quirky anachronism, rather like Morris Dancers.

But in reality, local politicians are unsung heroes, because without them we would have no functioning democracy

For the rest of this talk, I would like to focus on some practical steps to boost our political culture, to make it live and breathe.

Citizenship education

Let’s start with getting some politics into our schools.

Citizenship education should be given new impetus with a review of the syllabus and a renewed effort to train specialist citizenship teachers.

The best citizenship education is practical, outward facing, and skills-based, and equips young people with the knowledge and skills to be active citizens.

But too often it is another history lesson, and makes citizenship seem irrelevant. We must invest in the next generation of active citizens.

Crucially, citizenship education should be about modern politics, not traditions, rituals and processes.

This kind of education should also be made available to recent arrivals, form part of the induction for people working in public roles such as the NHS, the armed services, police and courts, and as a foundation course for adult learners and ‘mature students’.

I am pleased at City & Guilds have started offering qualifications in active citizenship. We need more of this kind of recognition for our community heroes.

Everyone working for a local authority should have citizenship education as part of their induction or training, to create a new cadre of champions for democracy in every town.

More powers for local government

In every community, the local council will be the main agency, co-ordinating the activity of local organisations, and ‘holding the ring’ of local democratic accountability.

More influence should pass into the local government ambit, for example over public health and well-being.

Councils should be encouraged to engage communities in citizens’ juries, citizens’ panels, and other forms of deliberative decision-making, especially on contentious issues.

Public appointments

Labour’s determination to remove cronyism from public appointments has left us with the unintended consequence that active involvement in politics is almost a barrier to appointment to a public body.

This contributes to the attitude that political activism is a disreputable activity, to be kept secret from potential employers and social conversation.

We must review the system of public appointments and make it easier to appoint the right person, irrespective of their party political activity and which ensures public bodies are truly representative of Britain today,

Likewise the Tory ‘Widdecombe Act’ which forbids local government workers above a certain grade from being active in politics, including being a councillor in another authority, adds to the climate of opinion that says politics is distasteful.

We should review this legalisation and consider replacing it.

Elections for public services

Some bodies, for example primary care trusts (PCTs) hold a huge power over our lives, yet we have no direct say over them.

We should introduce an element of direct representation on primary care trusts, with local elections to their boards.

The Government should be looking for more public ownership within the NHS for example fewer GPs’ and dentists’ practices run as private businesses and more as co-ops and mutuals.

We should also look at other public services and explore the possibilities for elected representation on the bodies which direct local services.

For example, we should explore the role of elected representatives at the ‘basic command level’ of the police, bringing accountability to local policing.

If we are serious about tackling crime and anti-social behaviour, then we be prepared to look at bold solutions.

Targeted state support for parties

You’ll know there is a review about the future of state funding.

Any future extension of state funding of parties must be used to encourage local activity and campaigning; political education, policy-making, and support for the next generation of councillors and civic leaders.

A new settlement of state funding for parties must be seen as a worthwhile investment in our democracy, especially locally at council level, rather than taxpayers being asked to prop up a failing system.

Investment should be targeted at a regional and local level, so that state funding is not consumed by central party machines, but instead can aid local party units to build local democracy.

Political billboard advertising should be banned, as it contributes very little to election turnout or voting intentions, and costs millions.

Citizens’ Centre in Westminster

A new citizens’ centre should be built in Westminster which encourages visitors to regard the Houses of Parliament as a vibrant democratic institution, not another stop on the heritage trail.

It should be aimed at citizens wanting to influence their politicians, not just tourists wanting to take photographs.

Lords reform

Finally, the old chestnut of Lords Reform. When we embark on the next stage of House of Lords reform, we should look again at the function and purpose of the second chamber, not become fixated on its composition. Sittings of the second chamber, including committees and inquiries, should be held outside of London, to stimulate local interest and engagement with this layer of democracy. Imagine if the Second Chamber’s sittings were held in the town halls of our great cities or the county halls of our counties. Imagine the interest from local media, schools and citizens. This could be one way of re-energising our politics.

Conclusion

These are just some of the ways we can reinvigorate our flagging democratic system. It must be about more than turnout, important though that is.

Instead, we need to redouble our efforts to create a citizen’s democracy in Britain, where everyone has a stake.